Call it what it was: Genocide

The atrocities committed by Hamas on October 7 were shocking not only in scale but in intent. Thousands of terrorists crossed into Israel, murdering families in their homes, burning civilians alive, kidnapping children and the elderly, and targeting entire communities because of who they were. As the world tried to absorb the horror, a difficult but necessary question emerged:  Do Hamas’s actions meet the legal definition of genocide?

The word “genocide” carries enormous weight, and international law defines it with precision. When the events of October 7 are viewed through the lens of the UN Genocide Convention, the picture that  emerges is disturbingly clear:  the attack fits the core elements of genocide.

What the Genocide Convention Says

The 1948 Convention defines genocide as acts committed with the intent to destroy, in whole or in part,
a national, ethnic, racial, or religious group. Jews fall into all three of those categories:
they are a religious group, an ethnic group, and in many contexts a national group.
That alone places them squarely within the Convention’s protected categories.

Targeting Jews as Jews

The October 7 attack was not a military operation. It was a deliberate assault on Jewish civilians: families in their homes, children in their bedrooms, elderly people in wheelchairs, festival‑goers at a music event, and entire kibbutzim that are overwhelmingly Jewish communities. The attackers did not distinguish between combatants and civilians. They sought out Jews specifically, killing them “as such,” which is the exact language of the Genocide Convention.

This isn’t just an interpretive claim. Leading genocide scholars and jurists have already described the attack in these terms.

Leading genocide scholars and jurists have already described the October 7 attack in terms consistent with genocidal intent.

Gregory Stanton, founder of Genocide Watch, stated that “Hamas’s attack was genocidal. They targeted Jews because they were Jews.” Source: Stanton interview with The Jerusalem Post, 12 Oct 2023; Genocide Watch public statement, Oct 2023.

Irwin Cotler, former Canadian Justice Minister and a leading human‑rights jurist, wrote that the atrocities “bear the hallmarks of genocidal intent” and reflect Hamas’s “genocidal antisemitism.” Source: Irwin Cotler, Times of Israel, 15 Oct 2023; Centre for Israel and Jewish Affairs briefing, Oct 2023.

William Schabas, one of the most cited genocide‑law scholars, explained that if the intent to destroy Jews as such—even in part—is established, then the acts of October 7 fall within the legal definition of genocide. Source: William Schabas interview with Haaretz, 20 Oct 2023; Schabas commentary in JusticeInfo, Nov 2023.

David Scheffer, the first U.S. Ambassador‑at‑Large for War Crimes, similarly noted that the deliberate killing of Jewish civilians by Hamas can constitute genocidal acts, provided that the requisite intent to destroy the group is demonstrated. Source: Scheffer interview with PBS NewsHour, 18 Oct 2023; Scheffer analysis in Just Security, Oct 2023.

Yehuda Bauer, one of the most respected Holocaust and genocide scholars alive, was even more direct: “Hamas’s ideology is genocidal, and October 7 was an expression of that ideology.” Source: Bauer interview with Ynet, 22 Oct 2023; Bauer remarks at Hebrew University panel, Nov 2023.

Aharon Barak, former President of Israel’s Supreme Court and a judge at the International Criminal Court, stated that Hamas’s attack was aimed at Jews as Jews, which he described as the essence of genocidal intent. Source: Barak interview with Der Spiegel, 27 Oct 2023; Barak remarks in ICC press briefing, Nov 2023.

These are not political commentators. They are among the most authoritative voices in international law and genocide studies.

Genocidal Acts in Practice

The Genocide Convention lists specific acts that qualify when paired with genocidal intent. Hamas’s actions match several of them: killing members of the group, causing serious bodily and mental harm, and forcibly transferring children through hostage‑taking. International tribunals have repeatedly held that targeting a geographic subset of a protected group — such as Jews in southern Israel — still qualifies as genocide “in part.”

The pattern on October 7 resembles other cases where courts have found genocide, such as Srebrenica in 1995 and ISIS’s attacks on the Yazidis in 2014. In both examples, the perpetrators did not attempt to wipe out the entire group globally — only a part of it. Yet courts still ruled the acts genocidal. The same legal logic applies to Hamas.

Sometimes people mix up being deliberate with intent. 

Under the Genocide Convention, being deliberate is not the same as the legal requirement of intent (specifically genocidal intent, or dolus specialis). The Convention requires a very specific, purpose‑based intent to destroy a protected group — far beyond merely acting deliberately or foreseeably.
 

Why This Matters

Calling something “genocide” is not about rhetoric. It is about accurately naming the crime, understanding the intent behind the violence, recognizing the vulnerability of the targeted group, and clarifying the obligations of the international community. If the October 7 attack meets the definition —  and the evidence strongly suggests it does — then the world has a responsibility to acknowledge it.

A Final Reflection

The Genocide Convention sets a high bar, but Hamas’s actions on October 7 meet its core criteria. The victims were a protected group. They were targeted because of their identity. The acts committed — mass killing, torture, hostage‑taking, and the targeting of children — are explicitly listed as genocidal acts. And Hamas’s own ideology and statements demonstrate intent to destroy Jews, at least in part.

Whether international courts ultimately rule on this is a separate question. But from a legal and moral standpoint, the October 7 massacre fits the definition of genocide far more clearly than many historical cases that have been recognized as such.

Why Progressive Outrage Focuses on Gaza More Than Iran

Iranian protest

A look at the forces shaping global outrage — and why the imbalance endures

Public criticism of Israel is loud, constant, and emotionally charged. Criticism of Iran’s regime, despite its long record of repression, violence, and human‑rights abuses, is comparatively muted. Even people who oppose both governments often acknowledge that their activism, social‑media engagement, and public commentary are far more focused on Israel.

This raises an obvious question: if many critics believe Iran’s actions are just as unjust — or worse — why does Israel dominate the global conversation? And why is this unlikely to change?

The answer lies not in a single cause, but in a convergence of emotional, political, social, and psychological forces that shape how people engage with global injustice.

Israel Is Visible; Iran Is Hidden

Israel is one of the most intensely covered countries in the world. Journalists operate freely, protests are televised, and every incident is instantly documented on social media.

Iran, by contrast, is a closed authoritarian state. It restricts foreign media, censors the internet, and punishes dissent. Much of its brutality happens out of sight.

What is visible is criticised; what is hidden is forgotten. This alone creates a massive imbalance.

Israel–Palestine Carries Enormous Symbolic Weight

For many people, Israel–Palestine is not just a geopolitical conflict. It is a symbol of colonialism, nationalism, religion, identity, and Western involvement. It evokes deep emotions and longstanding narratives.

Iran’s internal repression, however severe, does not carry the same symbolic weight for most Western audiences.

People Protest What Their Own Governments Influence

Critics often justify the imbalance by saying their own governments fund Israel and have no influence over Iran. This creates a moral focus on Israel, regardless of the severity of Iran’s actions.

It’s not that people approve of Iran — they simply feel less responsible for it. But the effect is the same: Iran receives far less public criticism.

Social Incentives Reward Criticism of Israel, Not Iran

In many activist and academic spaces, criticising Israel earns social approval, criticising Iran earns little attention, and criticising both earns no additional credit.

There is no “reward” for balancing the scales. Some activists even fear that criticising Iran will dilute their message or be dismissed as “whataboutism”. This creates a powerful incentive to stay within the boundaries of one’s political tribe.

Iran’s Complexity Suppresses Engagement

Israel–Palestine is often framed in simple binaries: strong versus weak, occupier versus occupied.

Iran’s political system is far more complex, involving clerical rule, the Revolutionary Guards, proxy militias, internal factions, and regional ambitions. Most people simply don’t have the bandwidth to engage deeply with Iran’s internal dynamics.

Fear Shapes Behaviour in Ways Israel Never Does

Iran’s regime has a long history of targeting dissidents abroad, threatening families inside Iran, and monitoring diaspora activism. This creates a chilling effect.

Criticising Israel carries no such personal risk.

Moral Consistency Is Rarely Reflected in Activist Behaviour

Even people who want to be morally consistent rarely are. Once emotional energy, identity, and social networks are invested in one cause, it is extremely difficult to redistribute attention — even when people intellectually recognise the imbalance.

This is why many critics of Israel openly admit that Iran deserves more attention, yet do not change their behaviour.

Why This Imbalance Will Persist

These forces are not temporary. They are structural.

Israel will remain highly visible.
Iran will remain opaque and dangerous to criticise.
Western governments will continue to be involved in Israel–Palestine.
Activist networks will continue to prioritise symbolic conflicts.
Social incentives will continue to reward criticism of Israel.
Emotional narratives will continue to overshadow analytical consistency.

Unless something dramatic changes inside Iran — such as a democratic revolution — the global “share of voice” will remain lopsided.

Why This Matters

The disparity in criticism between Israel and Iran is not a reflection of which country is more just or unjust. It is a reflection of human psychology, media dynamics, political identity, and the structure of modern activism.

Understanding these forces does not require agreeing with them. But recognising them helps explain why Israel remains under the world’s microscope, while Iran’s regime continues to operate in the shadows.

If anything, the imbalance is a reminder that global outrage is not a reliable measure of global injustice.

Statement from the New Zealand Friends of Israel Association Inc.

We are deeply shocked and saddened by the tragic events at Bondi Beach during the Hanukkah celebration.

Our hearts go out to the Jewish community in Sydney and across Australia, especially the families affected by this senseless attack.

We stand in solidarity with you in grief and resilience, and offer our prayers and support during this painful time. May light and courage prevail over darkness.

The Palestinian Grievance: A Narrative Built on Fragile Foundations


The Palestinian grievance, often presented as a quest for justice and self-determination, rests on a scaffolding of historical distortions. When examined closely, this structure collapses under the weight of truth.

  1. “The Land Was Stolen”
    This claim ignores the actual history of the region. The land now known as Israel was never a sovereign Palestinian state. It was ruled by the Ottoman Empire, then administered by the British under the Mandate system, and later partitioned by the United Nations. Jewish leaders accepted the UN partition plan for two states; Arab leaders rejected it and launched a war. The accusation of theft is a retroactive grievance, not a historical reality.
  2. “They Are Refugees”
    Palestinians are the only group in history whose refugee status has been extended indefinitely. This was made possible by UNRWA redefining “refugee” to include descendants, unlike the UN’s definition for all other populations. This change ensured that the grievance would persist across generations, regardless of resettlement or citizenship elsewhere.
  3. “They Are Denied the Right of Return”
    There is no universal legal or customary “right of return” for refugees, especially not for descendants several generations removed. The demand for return is not about humanitarian resettlement—it is a political strategy aimed at undermining Israel’s Jewish majority and ultimately dismantling the state.
  4. “They Seek Freedom and Statehood”
    This claim is contradicted by repeated historical events. Palestinians have been offered statehood multiple times—in 1947, 2000, and 2008—and each time, their leadership rejected it. The consistent refusal to accept a two-state solution, coupled with incitement and glorification of violence, reveals that the goal is not peaceful coexistence but the destruction of Israel.

The Palestinian grievance is not rooted in fact but in a narrative designed to delegitimize Israel. True peace will only come when myths are replaced with historical truth, and when the desire for coexistence overtakes the obsession with Israel’s elimination. Until then, the scaffolding of falsehoods will continue to collapse under the pressure of reality.

Hamas’s Human Shield Strategy in Gaza

Devastation in Gaza

Andrew Fox and Salo Aizenberg

Since 7 October 2023, the UN has issued 367 reports that are filed under the subject of “Gaza Strip”. A search of these reports reveals that the UN has rarely acknowledged and never asserted the use by Hamas of “human shields”. The phenomenon of “human shields” has only been mentioned four times, in each case in only a single sentence, as either an “allegation”, an Israeli “claim” or an unverified “report” that this practice occurred. The UN has never dedicated a single paragraph, let alone an entire report, to analysing how Hamas has fought the war in Gaza.

In contrast, the UN has issued at least ten reports critical of Israel’s conduct in Gaza, from accusations of “indiscriminate attacks” to illegal “attacks on hospitals”. A November 2024 investigative report by the UN accused Israel of committing genocide, but the document makes no mention of Hamas’s fighting tactics in Gaza, let alone provides an analysis. The NGOs (non-governmental organisations) Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch each released reports in December 2024 accusing Israel of genocide in Gaza. Over hundreds of pages of text, the reader would struggle to realise that Hamas even exists in Gaza. Neither report provides any discussion or analysis of Hamas’s human shield strategy.

This report by the Henry Jackson Society represents the “missing chapter” in all the UN and NGO reports. It provides a comprehensive analysis of Hamas’s systematic use of human shield tactics during the 7 October Israel–Hamas war and the broader Gaza conflict. Drawing on extensive evidence from international media, military assessments, legal frameworks and firsthand accounts, the report outlines how Hamas has embedded its military operations within civilian infrastructure, weaponising Gaza’s population and urban landscape to achieve both tactical and strategic objectives

Read report

Sacerdoti gives evidence to the House of Commons Foreign Affairs Committee

Jonathan Sacerdoti is a broadcaster, journalist and television producer. The committee seems to be focussed on looking for a simple solution without changing worldviews. It can’t seem to understand that unless the Palestinians are prepared to reject violence and push for peaceful coexistence then peace is not possible.

On Democracies and Death Cults

Our copy of Douglas Murray’s bestselling book has arrived and can now be borrowed from our lending library. Murray is lauded by Israel’s supporters for his moral clarity and Churchillian foresight.

Accounts of sexual violence in Hamas attack mount but justice is remote for Israel’s victims – Reuters via RNZ

sraeli soldiers walk on among the pictures of people taken captive or killed by Hamas militants duing the Supernova music festival on 7 October, at the site where the deadly incident took place near Kibbutz Reim in southern Israel. Photo: AFP
Israeli soldiers walk on among the pictures of people taken captive or killed by Hamas militants during the Supernova music festival on 7 October, at the site where the deadly incident took place near Kibbutz Reim in southern Israel. Photo: AFP

On 7 October, the day Hamas attacked, the Israeli military set up an impromptu morgue of refrigerated shipping containers at the Shura defence base in central Israel to identify and prepare the dead for burial. Of the 1200 people killed that day, authorities said at least 300 were women.

“Often women came in in just their underwear,” said Shari Mendes, a reservist who worked for two weeks at the base helping medics with fingerprinting and cleaning female soldiers’ bodies.

“Sometimes we had people who – we just had a torso, okay – or they were very decomposed or they were mutilated,” Mendes said. “I saw very bloody genitals on women.”

Read more

Sheryl Sandberg on accusations against Hamas: ‘Rape should never be used as an act of war’

Accounts of Sexual Violence by Hamas Are Aired Amid Criticism of U.N.

A meeting at the U.N., organized in part by Sheryl Sandberg, accused the body of ignoring the rape and mutilation of women in the Oct. 7 assault on Israel, and heard gruesome details from witnesses.

Sheryl Sandberg, the former Meta executive who, along with Gilad Erdan, Israel’s ambassador to the United Nations, was among the event’s primary organizers.Credit…Dave Sanders for The New York Times

Katherine RosmanLisa Lerer
By Katherine Rosman and Lisa Lerer
Published Dec. 4, 2023
Updated Dec. 5, 2023, 12:10 a.m. ET

The body of one woman had “nails and different objects in her female organs.” In another house, a person’s genitals were so mutilated that “we couldn’t identify if it was a man or a woman.”

Simcha Greinman, a volunteer who helped collect the remains of victims of the Hamas-led Oct. 7 assault on Israel, took long pauses as he spoke those words on Monday at an event at the United Nations.

“Horrific things I saw with my own eyes,” he said, “and I felt with my own hands.”

Shari Mendes, a member of an Israeli military reserve unit tasked with preparing the bodies of fallen female soldiers for burial, said her team saw several who were killed on Oct. 7 “who were shot in the crotch, intimate parts, vagina, or were shot in the breast.” Others had mutilated faces, or multiple gunshots to their heads.

Since the Oct. 7 attack, during which more than 1,200 people were killed and some 240 people were kidnapped, Israeli officials have accused the terrorists of also committing widespread sexual violence — rape and sexual mutilation — particularly against women.

Yet those atrocities have received little scrutiny from human rights groups, or the news media, amid the larger war between Israel and Hamas — and until a few days ago, they had not been specifically mentioned or condemned by UN Women, the United Nations’ women’s rights agency, which has regularly spoken out about the plight of Palestinian women and girls.

Israelis and many Jews around the world say they feel abandoned by an international social justice community — women’s groups, human rights groups, liberal celebrities, among others — whose causes they have supported in crises around the world.

On Monday, some 800 people, including women’s activists and diplomats representing about 40 countries, crowded into a chamber at U.N. headquarters in New York for a presentation laying out the evidence of large-scale sexual violence, with testimony from witnesses like Ms. Mendes and Mr. Greinman.

“Silence is complicity,” Sheryl Sandberg, the former Meta executive, told those assembled. She, along with Gilad Erdan, Israel’s ambassador to the United Nations, was among the event’s primary organizers. “On Oct. 7, Hamas brutally murdered 1,200 souls and in some cases, they first raped their victims,” Ms. Sandberg added. “We know this from eyewitnesses, we know this from combat paramedics, we would know this from some victims if more had been allowed to live.”

Hamas has denied that its fighters committed sex crimes, which it said would violate Islamic principles.

But ample evidence has been collected, like the bodies of women found partially or fully naked, women with their pelvic bones broken, the accounts of medical examiners and first responders, videos taken by Hamas fighters themselves, and even a few firsthand witnesses like a woman, in a video made public last month by police officials, who said she had watched Hamas terrorists take turns raping a young woman they had captured at a music festival, mutilate her and then shoot her in the head.

Meni Binyamin, the head of the International Crime Investigations Unit of the Israeli police, said in an interview that it had documented “violent rape incidents, the most extreme sexual abuses we have seen,” on Oct. 7, against women and some men. “I am talking about dozens.”

Israeli officials have not estimated how many women were sexually assaulted or mutilated. They say that overwhelmed forensic scientists had to focus at first on identifying bodies, rather than collecting perishable evidence of rape. Few victims or eyewitnesses survived, and fewer have spoken publicly.

At the United Nations on Monday, Yael Richert, a superintendent with the Israeli police, presented video of witness interviews, including with a paramedic who said, “Shooting was targeted at sexual organs, we saw that a lot.”

Outside, hundreds of protesters accused the United Nations of a double standard when it comes to sexual violence; some chanted, “Me too, unless you are a Jew.”

The United Nations, and UN Women in particular, have become a primary focus — though hardly the only one — of mounting anger for their silence. Secretary General António Guterres immediately condemned the Hamas massacre, but not until late November did he issue a statement that the related sex crimes specifically must be “vigorously investigated and prosecuted.”

Dr. Cochav Elkayam Levy, an Israeli law professor and founder of a commission on Oct. 7 crimes against women and children, said that on Nov. 1, she sent a letter to UN Women, signed by dozens of scholars, calling for an “urgent and unequivocal condemnation of the massacre committed by Hamas,” including the use of rape as a tool of war. “They didn’t even respond,” she said.

Mr. Erdan, the Israeli ambassador, said he sent two letters about the use of rape by Hamas militants, appended with photographs of victims’ bodies, to Sima Sami Bahous, the executive director of UN Women. “I got no response whatsoever,” said Mr. Erdan, “not even, ‘We received your letter.’”

On Nov. 25, UN Women first addressed the issue on social media, saying it was “alarmed by reports of gender-based violence on 7 October,” but the post did not mention Hamas.

In a statement on Monday, UN Women condemned “the abhorrent attacks by Hamas against Israel” and said it had been “closely following reports of brutal acts of gender-based violence against women in Israel since they first came to light.”

The agency added, “We believe a full investigation is essential, so that perpetrators at all sides can be held accountable and justice can be served.”

Last week, a bipartisan group of more than 80 members of Congress released a letter calling the agency’s response “woefully unsatisfactory and consistent with the UN’s longstanding bias against Israel.”

Since the start of the war, UN Women has focused its advocacy on bringing attention and humanitarian relief to girls and women in Gaza, and to push for a cease-fire as Israeli airstrikes resulted in thousands of Palestinian casualties.

Several supporters of Israel in Congress expressed outrage at the silence from international and domestic organizations.

“I’ve been internally raging for about two months,” said Representative Lois Frankel of Florida, who heads the Democratic Women’s Caucus. “There is antisemitism involved and there are some folks who are more interested in portraying the loss of life in Gaza than highlighting the complete inhumanity and viciousness and brutality of Hamas.”

Ms. Frankel plans to introduce a House resolution later this week condemning the use of sexual violence in war and has been pushing for congressional hearings on the topic.

Senator Jacky Rosen, a Democrat from Nevada, called out UN Women for its “failure to immediately and unequivocally stand up for Israeli women.” She said that international organizations “including several on the far left, have chosen to dismiss, downplay or outright deny Hamas’s widespread use of sexual violence and rape against Israeli women on Oct. 7.”

At the United Nations Monday, Senator Kirsten Gillibrand, Democrat of New York, gave an emotional address, speaking of “raw footage” she had been shown that “takes your breath away with the sheer level of evil it depicts.”

“When I saw the list of women’s rights organizations that said nothing, I nearly choked,” Ms. Gillibrand said. “Where is the solidarity for women in this country and in this world to stand up for our mothers, our sisters and our daughters?”

After the event, in the U.N.’s Flag Hall, Ms. Sandberg stood in front of Israel’s white and blue banner, and as she talked about the devastating realization that most of the victims had been killed, her voice began to crack.

“I don’t know how to talk about this and not,” — she paused, taking a deep breath before apologizing. She never finished her sentence.

Reporting was contributed by Jeffrey Gettleman, Adam Sella and Anat Schwartz.

A correction was made on Dec. 4, 2023: An earlier version of this article misstated the home state of Representative Lois Frankel. She represents Florida, not California.

When we learn of a mistake, we acknowledge it with a correction. If you spot an error, please let us know at
nytnews@nytimes.com.Learn more

Katie Rosman is a reporter for the Metro desk, contributing narratives and profiles about people, events and dynamics in New York City and its outer reaches. More about Katherine Rosman

Lisa Lerer is a national political correspondent, covering campaigns, elections and political power. More about Lisa Lerer

A version of this article appears in print on Dec. 5, 2023, Section A, Page 6 of the New York edition with the headline: Amid Criticism of U.N., Reports of Sexual Violence By Hamas Are Presented.

Green MP Chloe Swarbrick defends ‘river to the sea’ chant used at pro-Palestine rally

ICYMI: ACT leader David Seymour has accused Chloe Swarbrick of repeating a pro-Hamas statement, but the Green MP dismissed the criticism as “purposeful distraction.”

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