Review: The Sword of Freedom – Israel, Mossad, and the Secret War by Yossi Cohen

Yossi Cohen’s The Sword of Freedom is marketed as an inside look at Israel’s Mossad: high-stakes operations, secret wars, and the shadow struggle against Iran. On that level, it delivers. Cohen recounts, in vivid and sometimes cinematic detail, operations such as the remote-controlled assassination of an Iranian nuclear scientist and the daring theft of the Iranian nuclear archive. These episodes are gripping, polished, and clearly designed to showcase the reach and precision of Israel’s intelligence services.

But to read this book only as a Mossad memoir is to miss its deeper purpose. Beneath the operational anecdotes and cloak-and-dagger atmosphere, The Sword of Freedom functions as a kind of political “stretch application” – or perhaps more accurately, a “reach application” – for the office of Prime Minister of Israel. The Mossad stories are the vehicle; the leadership narrative is the destination.

Cohen consistently presents himself not merely as a former intelligence chief, but as a statesman-in-waiting: articulate, globally connected, morally certain, and strategically far-sighted. Each chapter is structured so that the operation described becomes a parable of leadership. A covert action against Iran becomes a lesson in resolve; a diplomatic back-channel becomes a lesson in statecraft; a high-risk decision becomes a lesson in moral clarity. The message is subtle but unmistakable: these are not just stories about what he did, but arguments for what he could be trusted to do in a higher office.

Several reviewers have picked up on this dual character of the book. One reviewer remarked that it “reads less like a conventional intelligence memoir and more like a carefully crafted leadership profile,” noting how often Cohen shifts from operational detail to broad reflections on Israel’s destiny and the qualities required of its leaders. Another observed that the book “feels at times like a campaign biography in disguise,” pointing out how frequently Cohen places himself at the centre of pivotal moments, framed as the decisive, steady hand in times of crisis. A third review commented that Cohen “seems to be auditioning for a larger role on the national stage,” highlighting the way he moves from Mossad operations to sweeping political and moral conclusions.

None of this makes the book less interesting; in many ways, it makes it more revealing. As a pure institutional history of the Mossad, The Sword of Freedom is selective and highly curated. Cohen avoids the internal frictions, bureaucratic struggles, and strategic missteps that would complicate the heroic narrative. What he offers instead is a streamlined version of events that consistently reinforces a particular image of himself: bold but measured, ruthless when necessary yet guided by a strong moral compass, deeply rooted in Jewish identity yet comfortable on the global stage.

Where the book is most striking is in its treatment of Iran. Cohen frames the Islamic Republic not only as a strategic adversary, but as a civilisational threat that demands exceptional clarity and resolve from Israel’s leadership. The implication is clear: the kind of leader who successfully orchestrated these covert operations is the kind of leader Israel will need in the years ahead. The past operations become, in effect, a résumé for a future role.

Readers who come to The Sword of Freedom expecting a comprehensive, warts-and-all history of the Mossad may feel that the institutional story is thinner than the marketing suggests. But readers interested in the future of Israeli politics will find something else: a carefully constructed self-portrait of a man who plainly sees himself as a contender for national leadership. The book is less about the Mossad as an organisation and more about Yossi Cohen as a brand.

In that sense, the cover is only half right. Yes, this is a book about the Mossad and its secret war. But more than that, it is a public, polished, and deliberate reach application for the highest office in the country. The operations are the backdrop; the real subject is the man who wants to be seen as Israel’s next sword of freedom.

Holocaust Education Is Everywhere — So Why Isn’t It Working?

The Ministry of Education has released its draft Social Sciences curriculum for Year 10. On the face of it, the Holocaust content looks solid: Nazi antisemitism, Kristallnacht, ghettos, mass shootings, extermination camps, resistance, liberation — the usual landmarks.

And yet, something isn’t adding up. Around the world, Holocaust education has expanded dramatically over the past two decades, but antisemitism hasn’t gone away. In many places, it’s getting worse. That’s not just an overseas problem. Jewish New Zealanders are being shouted at, pushed around, and occasionally assaulted simply for being Jewish. You don’t need a PhD in history to see that something isn’t working.

So what’s going on? And what might we need to think about here in Aotearoa?

What the experts keep saying

If you look at the work of people who’ve spent their lives studying this — Yehuda Bauer, Deborah Lipstadt, Matti Friedman, the teams at UNESCO, IHRA, Yad Vashem — a pattern emerges.

They’re not arguing over details. Their concern is that we teach the history, but we don’t teach students how to recognise the same patterns when they appear today.

Students often get the events, but not the underlying logic. They learn the horror, but not the warning. They learn what happened, but not how to recognise the same currents when they appear in their own world — in jokes, in slogans, in conspiracy theories, in the way people talk about “them.” Students learn Jewish death, not Jewish life.  Jews are often presented as victims, not as a living people with culture, agency, and continuity.

These gaps matter.

The Holocaust was meant to destroy the Jews

One point the experts are almost unanimous on: the Holocaust needs to be taught with clarity. It was the Nazi project to annihilate the Jewish people. That’s the core of it.

Other groups suffered terribly under Nazism — Roma, disabled people, political dissidents, LGBTQ+ people, and others — and their stories deserve to be taught properly, in their own right. But when everything gets folded into one big, blurred narrative, students lose the ability to understand why Jews were targeted then, and why antisemitism still has such a long half‑life now.

Clarity isn’t exclusion. It’s accuracy. And accuracy is what lets students make sense of the present.

The missing skill: what to do when you see antisemitism

One thing that rarely appears in any curriculum — here or overseas — is the practical side. Students need to know what to do when they encounter antisemitism.

Not confrontation. Not speeches. Just the basics:

  • spotting harmful stereotypes
  • understanding why they’re dangerous
  • knowing how to challenge misinformation
  • knowing when to get help
  • knowing how to support someone who’s being targeted

This isn’t a political agenda. It’s the same logic behind anti‑bullying programmes and digital citizenship. If we want young people to recognise injustice, they need tools, not just stories.

A thought for New Zealand: what about senior Civics?

The Ministry’s draft curriculum stops at Year 10, but it also says Year 10 Social Sciences prepares students for senior subjects. That opens a door.

By Years 11–13, students are ready for the deeper questions:

  • how democracies fail
  • how propaganda works
  • how prejudice becomes policy
  • how extremism spreads
  • how human rights frameworks were built
  • how to participate meaningfully in civic life

This is where Holocaust education becomes more than history. It becomes civic literacy — the kind that helps young adults understand the world they’re about to vote in, work in, and live in.

Young people want meaning.  They have a thirst for justice.  A senior Civics course isn’t a radical idea. It’s a practical one.

Some ideas that might be worth considering

After looking at the international research, the Ministry’s draft, and the reality facing Jewish New Zealanders today, a few ideas seem worth putting on the table:

  • Strengthen the Holocaust content already in Year 10 by making the purpose clearer, not just the events.
  • Teach the persecution of other groups distinctly, so their experiences aren’t lost in generalisation.
  • Make the link between historical antisemitism and contemporary antisemitism explicit.
  • Connect students to living Jewish communities.
  • Give students practical tools for responding safely when they encounter prejudice.
  • Explore a senior Civics course where these themes can be taught with the depth and maturity they require.

None of this requires tearing up the curriculum. It’s about sharpening the focus so the history does what it’s meant to do: help young people understand the world they’re stepping into — and their responsibility to stand up for justice and ensure that no community is left to face intimidation, harassment, or violence because of antisemitism.

Tony Kan
President
NZ Friends of Israel Association Inc

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Independence Day 2025 creates moment of reflection

Tony Kan (President, NZFOI), HE Ambassador Alon Roth-Snir and Kate MacPherson (Committee Member)

This week, our President, Tony Kan and Kate MacPherson travelled up to Wellington to attend the reception to mark the 77th Anniversary of the Independence of Israel.

To a packed house, the Ambassador spoke about our common values, and the opportunity to forge a stronger relationship between our countries through trade and fighting intolerance.

Jo McKeagan, the Principal Advisor to the Deputy Secretary (Middle East and Africa) at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, spoke on behalf of the NZ Government. Most notable of all, this year there was no mention of the creation of an independent Palestinian State, a commitment to a two state solution, or a call for Israel to moderate its military conduct.

In stark contrast to last year, the event was not marked by attendees being harassed by shouting over megaphones and blaring sirens from Pro-Palestinian protesters. Apparently they went to the wrong address.

The reception was also cause to reflect on how things have changed over the last 12 months:

  • Iran had seen its decades long investment in building proxy enemies, Hamas, Hezbollah and the Assad regime to threaten Israel, have been made combat ineffective. Their senior leadership either dead, in hiding or in exile.
  • Decades of economic mismanagement caused by the Mullah’s fixation on imperialism has left Iranian civilians impoverished and desperate: So desperate that advertisements to sell kidneys to make ends meet are a common occurrence, infrastructure such as water supply networks have become unreliable and the Iranian currency is one of the most worthless in the world.
  • Israel has demonstrated the effectiveness of its covert forces in identifying their enemies’ leadership, their location and to devise ingenious ways to nullify them.
  • Israel now controls the Philadelphia Corridor, preventing Hamas from smuggling in further arms and munitions.
  • Israel is implementing its own aid distribution system, which will severely curtail Hamas’ ability to divert aid for its own consumption. This will hamper its ability to continue the war.
  • The election of a conservative US Government meant that there was no indecision hampering the supply of arms and munitions.
  • Various thinkers, such as Douglas Murray, Melanie Phillips, Tom Holland, and Nigel Biggar are beginning to realize that what makes the West so successful are Judeo-Christian values, precepts and beliefs.

On the other hand, there is a deep sadness and grief over the loss, suffering, and hardship caused by Hamas’ evil, which has taken all around them to doom.

In the immediate, it remains for Israel to end Hamas’ rule in Gaza, place it under administration and begin the slow hard slog to de-radicalize the civilian population. Hamas has used its 20 years to create an Islamo-Fascist state and the culture, unfortunately, now runs deep.

The threat of Iran gaining nuclear weapons is serious and Iran is likely to string out any negotiations reasoning that President Trump has less than four years in power. If the possibility of an agreement that prevents them from developing a nuclear weapon is not possible within this period, then it may be forced to take unilateral action.

Yes, in 12 short months, the balance of power has shifted in the Middle East, and there is much to draw hope from. Churchill said that in war, one must be resolute. But recent events show antisemitism is strong even among some members of NZ society but Israel’s example, should inspire us to show the same robust and resolute response.

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UK political bias against Israel

Natasha Haussdorff testifies before the House of Commons Foreign Affairs Committee
Natasha Haussdorff testifies before the House of Commons Foreign Affairs Committee

Natasha Hausdorff and Jonathan Sacerdoti valiantly explain the Middle East Conflict. Watch how the Labour Party MPs become impatient when they don’t get the answers they were hoping for. What they want them to say is that they would endorse their view that the Palestinians should be given a separate state. Instead Hausdorff and Sacerdoti said that Gazan society needs to change their belief that they must kill Jews.

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This has been a tough year, so we really appreciate and thank you for your support.

May the hostages be returned in 2025!

Do have a warm and memorable Hanukkah and Christmas with your family, friends and loved ones.  If you are travelling, may you return safely.

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