Incitement amidst cooperation | AIR

Abdul Azim Salhab

By all accounts, cooperation between the Palestinian Authority (PA) and the Israeli government and military to deal with the coronavirus crisis has been very good. Amos Harel, the veteran military correspondent and defence analyst for Israel’s Haaretz newspaper recently wrote that “Cooperation with the Palestinians is at its tightest ever.”

This is all the more notable because as recently as February, Israeli-Palestinian relations seemed to be unprecedently precarious. In the wake of the release of the Trump Administration’s peace plan in late January, PA President Mahmoud Abbas promised to withdraw all cooperation with Israel, including the vital security cooperation. While similar threats had been made before, this time Palestinian anger seemed more palpable and serious. Israeli government plans to annex the Jordan valley or other parts of the West Bank, as the peace plan allowed, looked set to deepen the crisis in relations. 

Now, that is all gone. No one is talking about the Trump plan or annexations. Coronavirus has swept all such issues aside, as the two sides seek to manage the pandemic which threatens both Israelis and Palestinians who live intermixed with each other. There is even reportedly an Israeli-Palestinian “joint operations room” to oversee the shared response to the pandemic threat. 

Amid the pandemic doom and gloom, this at least is good news, right?

Yes. However… why is it that even in this shared medical emergency the PA cannot stop its official media from engaging in ongoing incitement against Israel?

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Mayor de Blasio and ‘the Jewish community’ | RNS

Hundreds of mourners gather in the Brooklyn borough of New York, Tuesday, April 28, 2020, to observe a funeral for Rabbi Chaim Mertz, a Hasidic Orthodox leader whose death was reportedly tied to the coronavirus. The stress of the coronavirus’ toll on New York City’s Orthodox Jews was brought to the fore on Wednesday after Mayor Bill de Blasio chastised “the Jewish community” following the breakup of the large funeral that flouted public health orders.(Peter Gerber via AP)

Jews went a little bit nuts this week.

Not because two and a half thousand of us turned out for a funeral at the epicenter of this country’s coronavirus pandemic but because after the cops broke things up New York Mayor Bill de Blasio tweeted:

“My message to the Jewish community, and all communities, is this simple: the time for warnings has passed. I have instructed the NYPD to proceed immediately to summons or even arrest those who gather in large groups. This is about stopping this disease and saving lives. Period.”

Whereupon the Twitterverse exploded.

“Hey @NYCMayor,” tweeted ADL president Jonathan Greenblatt, “there are 1mil+ Jewish people in #NYC. The few who don’t social distance should be called out — but generalizing against the whole population is outrageous especially when so many are scapegoating Jews. This erodes the very unity our city needs now more than ever.”

“This has to be a joke,” tweeted New York City Councilman Chaim Deutsch, a Brooklyn Democrat who is an Orthodox Jew. He added, “Every neighborhood has people who are being non-compliant. To speak to an entire ethnic group as though we are all flagrantly violating precautions is offensive, it’s stereotyping, and it’s inviting anti-Semitism. I’m truly stunned.”

“So, as has been true with moral ciphers from time immemorial, you decided to seek your jollies by attacking Jews,” wrote John Podhoretz in the “New York Post.”

New York City Mayor Bill de Blasio. (AP Photo/Frank Franklin II, File)

Really?

An old (Jewish) friend of mine likes to say that Jews consider any statement by a non-Jew that begins with the words “Jews are” to be anti-Semitic if it’s not followed by something like “a community that puts a high value on learning and supporting the arts.” In other words, just about whenever a gentile lumps us all together it’s (for historically understandable reasons) a trigger — one that de Blasio certainly pulled.

But there’s more to it than that.

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How COVID-19 Is Changing Israel’s Business Culture | Forbes

Eyal Younian

NZFOI: Under COVID-19, new norms are forming everywhere…

[IAI is Israel’s largest aerospace company. IAI’s Deputy CEO, Eyal] Younian said that while it may be possible to manage COVID-19 in the future, Israel must change its culture because a more serious virus could emerge in the future.

For Israel’s businesses, this will mean less face-to-face interaction. “There will be more video conferences, we will have fewer people in meeting rooms, and there will be less business travel. Israel is a country based on exporting and 80% of IAI’s sales come from outside Israel. We are a defense company and negotiations must be done in person. We must find a creative solution,” he said.

Israel’s non-business social life will also change. There will be “less hugging and kissing [which will be difficult because] we are a warm people,” he said.

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A very different kind of Passover, in lockdown New Zealand | Spinoff

Juliet Moses

This Passover, we won’t be attending synagogue, we won’t be participating in large raucous dinners and sharing our food with our extended family and friends, we won’t be welcoming strangers into our homes, as Jewish people are instructed to do, writes Juliet Moses.

Tonight, on what is hopefully the halfway point of our lockdown period, Jewish people in New Zealand will sit down at their Seder dinner tables and mark the start of the festival of Passover. As we do every year, we will ask “why is this night different from all other nights?” and recite the reasons.

Many of us will also be thinking about why this Passover is different from all other Passovers. This Passover, we won’t be attending synagogue, we won’t be participating in large raucous dinners and sharing our food with our extended family and friends, we won’t be welcoming strangers into our homes, as we are commanded to do; we will be sheltering in our homes, with the people we are self-isolating with. It’s just one of many sacrifices, of varying degrees of magnitude, we must all make at this time.

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Marilyn Garson promotes BDS with lies of omission

Marilyn Garson

I was intrigued to attend an address by Marilyn Garson as a guest of the NZ Institute of International Affairs on Tuesday, 25 February 2020 at the University of Canterbury. 

A number of our members had contacted me and drawn my attention to the event.  The invitation included a resume and she looked like she had had quite an extensive and lengthy experience as a foreign aid worker, in Cambodia, Afghanistan and more latterly Gaza, promoting micro-enterprise schemes to foster employment and self-sufficiency. 

I was not disappointed.  Her stories of suffering, deprivation, and trauma, especially during open warfare we’re harrowing and deeply saddening. 

She talked about the unsustainable pressure of living in one of the most densely populated societies in the world.  

Wikipedia says that there are over 5,000 people per square kilometre in Gaza.  Yet I note that there are at least five other countries with less than 10 million people, that have higher population densities and have significantly higher per capital GDPs.

In case you’re wondering who they are: Macau (20,000+ persons per sq km), Monaco (~19,000), Singapore (~7,800), and Hong Kong (~6,800).  All of them living and enjoying sustainably economic lives.

She talked about the fear and terror amongst families as they sheltered from bombardment during the 2014 Gaza War.

Yet even in such terrible circumstances, glimmers of kindness, courage and selflessness shine through under fire, as the community reaches out to one another to provide shelter and support in time of conflict. 

She talks with admiration about how they have established six universities and maintained one of the highest literacy rates in the Middle East.  “They may have displaced us, but we take our education with us,” she quotes.

Many study for computer-related qualifications yet over 75% are employed outside of the field they studied for.  “They graduate into the world’s highest youth unemployment rate.”  For a three month temporary job assignment, there were typically 180,000 names [of applicants].

After two years she became a consultant to UNRWA and set out to establish a technology social enterprise to provide employment to all these unemployed technologists.  Garson said, “Many are young parents now.  Most have never been outside the Gaza Strip, they have never seen a forest, boarded a train, never met an Israeli.”

“Gaza is a political problem that has been left to fester so long that it now manifests itself in a humanitarian, ecological, economic calamity,” she said.

Garson said, with horror, that some Israelis talk about bombing Gaza with a subhuman language.  They were “coming to mow the lawn,” “it’s time to cut the grass,” this time they say, “We’ll clean it out,” they talk about “finishing the job.” 

During the 2014 Gaza War, she says 270,000 people were shoe-horned into nine schools.  She was given the responsibility of advising the Israeli military where people were sheltering.  Yet Garson says, seven schools were hit, 44 Palestinians died and 220 were injured under United Nations flags.

While listening to her relate her account of the 2014 Gaza War, I noticed that she was omitting the events that led to the war, that Gazan protagonists were using schools as launch sites and munitions stores and that Israel’s bombing practices were incomparable to the widespread destruction and civilian mortality caused by the Russians in the neighbouring Syrian Civil War.  

Using schools to shelter military operations was so common that the UN was moved to make a public statement urging Gazan fighters to cease and desist from turning schools into legitimate targets.

I have no doubt that Gazan civilians are suffering and that her empathy and despair for them is genuine. 

On the face of it, she clearly reserves her blame for Israel alone, for its “inhumanity,” and for acting contrary to international law.

Her hope is in the rule of international law, and believes that Israel is guilty of breaching it despite the criticism of the international community. 

She acknowledges Israel’s legal defenses, such as its argument that Gaza is not occupied since Israel withdrew many years ago, and that Gaza is not a state and therefore many international laws do not apply, but they are all dismissed as word games.

The fact that laws,  even international laws, can be unjust and flawed is beyond her view.

The blockade is a tangible lightning rod for her resentment and frustration.  She rails against Israel’s “red line policy” that arbitrarily prevents cumin and coriander from being admitted through the border while each calorie through the border was counted.

To her, Israel’s military actions and the blockade are the source of Gazan suffering, and completely ignores Palestinian attacks on Israel’s own civilian population. 

Garson says that much needed machine parts are restricted from entry so water treatment machinery remain in disrepair.  Consequently, 70% of Gaza’s water is not drinkable. 

She says that the wall is de-humanising, creating caged lab rats for testing Israel’s military technologies.  Garson criticized New Zealand for proposing to purchase Israeli robots for $9m while only providing $1m of aid. 

She never once mentions that Egypt also enforces a blockade along its Gaza border.  Why the double standard? 

Garson repudiates the Trump Peace Plan as illegal, because she believes it is giving away land that is “rightfully” the Palestinians’.  She blames the international community of nation states for not enforcing international law.

In her eyes, only numbers and external pressure will change things. 

Therefore, boycotting Israel is the only option for world citizens, who care about justice, left that has any chance of success.

She urges New Zealanders to join her in the boycott, despite her misgivings of it as a tool.

She ends by reading aloud:

After the 2014 Gaza bombardment, she asked her team how they explain the bombs to their children.  They were small, they were pre-schoolers.  One team member replied, “We want our children to know that they have a right to live in their homeland, but we don’t want them to grow up feeling anger and hatred.  I say to my girls that Gaza is full of good people, but we have a very angry government.  Across the wall, there are good people in Israel too, but they have a very angry government.  When the angry governments fight, everyone is afraid.  But the angry governments will fall, then we must not hate, because we might forget how to live together, we are refugees but all humans deserve to live in peace and dignity, regardless of their religion.

It is not until Q&A time before it becomes clear that she is aware of other factors that would detract from her one-dimensional narrative. 

I asked, “Your quote about “angry governments” was intriguing:  To what extent can Hamas be held accountable for their actions by Gaza’s citizens?”

In reply, Garson said, “It’s the first place where I’ve worked where its citizens are afraid to even tell jokes about their government because they are so certain that they would be overheard.  The degree of control [exerted by Hamas] was often unpleasant.  The people don’t have a chance to state what their preferences are.  She ends by saying “Hamas is not very popular, but it is pretty effective.” 

“What do you mean by “effective?””

“At keeping control.”

“Hamas maintains the status quo,” said Garson.

QED.

One attendee, pointed out it was ironic that after suffering in the Warsaw Ghetto, Jews were now inflicting the same oppression on the Palestinians in Gaza.  An ignorant and false comment but disturbing because it further demonizes Jews.

Her testimony describing her genuine experiences in Gaza, witnessing the suffering of Gazans, and their hopelessness, is deeply moving.  But, her omissions and myopic framing of the problem turns their plight into cynical propaganda.

Tony Kan
President

NZ Friends of Israel Assoc Inc

Truly Beautiful

Wharariki Beach

Two years ago, I was standing at sunset overlooking Wharariki Beach, appreciating one of the most picturesque scenes that I have ever seen, if not the most, when a man approached me. “Beautiful, isn’t it?” he said. “Incredible,” I replied. I asked him where he was from and he said he was from a suburb of London. He had come to this part of the world with his wife for their anniversary, to see what he described as “heaven on earth” with his own eyes. He asked me where I was from, and when I replied Israel, his wife, who was standing next to him went, “Ohhh.” I asked her what she meant.

She said she had a friend, when they lived in Portugal, an Israeli, who used to talk about Israel all the time when they used to have dinner together. She told me about how he used to go on and on about his army experiences, the wars he fought in, and the smell of the Machaneh Yehuda market in Jerusalem. When she finished, her husband said, “We visited there once; a beautiful country you have.” “Yes, it is,” I responded, “but it’s different.” He asked why, and in that split second, I then understood why at moments like these, while appreciating God’s breathtaking creations, I had missed home more in the few days I had been on summer break in New Zealand than all the time I had been working on shlichut in Australia so far.

“It’s different because in Israel everything has meaning behind it. Sure, God created the entire world, the incredible beach here, the beautiful fjords in the south, and the amazing sunset we’re looking at right now. But in Israel, there’s something behind each view that’s much deeper.” He asked me to specify what I was talking about.

So I told him about where I live, and the view I have from my front porch. The biblical significance of my community, and the fact I used to live on a street named for the spring underneath it, that used to run all the way to the Temple in Jerusalem. I told him about the prophecies of Ezekiel that are coming to pass in my backyard, and the most mentioned prophecy in the entire Old Testament, which I experienced first-hand, live, four and a half years ago while getting off a plane and kissing the asphalt. I told him that I learned for two and a half years in a place where there’s a town square emblazoned with a 2,000-year-old prophecy from Zecharia, of old men and women returning to sit and children returning to play in that very spot, and how the local schools make sure that they time their recesses so that the square will never be empty of playing children.

I explained to him how when I prayed there, I prayed overlooking the place where the Temple once stood and will soon again stand, just needing to look up from my prayer book through the window to envision what I was praying for. I tried to convey to him how when my cousin in Israel finished a portion of the Bible relating to the story of our forefathers, he celebrated with his classmates in the very tomb of Abraham, Isaac and Jacob.

He was astounded by my response, and when saying farewell, commented to his wife “we must visit there again.”

When I returned from vacation back to Melbourne to start another year of trying to inspire all sorts of Jews from all different backgrounds to connect to Judaism and their homeland, many people in the community and friends asked me how my experience there was.

As I said to one of my friends who sarcastically joked based on my photos about me moving to New Zealand instead of coming back to Israel in August: There are two kinds of beauty in this world. Inner beauty and outer beauty, or in Hebrew יופי פנימי and יופי חיצוני. Many times over the trip I came to a viewpoint and saw something so incredibly beautiful that it caused me to just throw up my hands in the air and say “מה רבו מעשיך ה”, but even at those times I felt that something was missing when feeling the longing I had for Israel. Because the awe-inspiring forms of nature that I witnessed there may very well be some of the most beautiful scenes I will ever see, but the word “beautiful” here is only referring to the outer beauty, the יופי חיצוני. True beauty is composed of both inner and outer beauty. In other words, external beauty and meaning.

That doesn’t mean that I won’t travel to see the wonders of God, and try to witness landscapes that will increase my awe of heaven—spectacles so impressive that they will inspire me to spontaneously pray to God. But everything in life is perspective.

I may never see a more beautiful landscape of waterfalls running down the side of a mountain as I saw at the Rob Roy Glacier in Wanaka, but the mountain itself is empty. It’s a creation of God just like anything else in the world, but its holiness is limited.

And most of all, it isn’t mine. It wasn’t promised to my nation and myself by God.

It’s beautiful. But it isn’t truly beautiful.


Doni Cohen, 24, made aliyah from Bergenfield, NJ, to Efrat in July 2013. He did hesder in Yeshivat HaKotel, serving in Tzahal as a commander in the Military Rabbinate, did a year of shlichut through “Torah MiTzion” in Melbourne, Australia. He’s currently studying political science, Jewish history and contemporary Jewry in Hebrew University on Mount Scopus while working on various non-profit projects. He has written for and his aliyah story has been featured in various tri-state-area papers and he can be contacted at arbel67@gmail.com.

WHY SUCH A SURGE OF WORLDWIDE ANTI-SEMITISM | Israel Seen

Alan Dershowitz

Why are so many of the grandchildren of Nazis and Nazi collaborators who brought us the Holocaust once again declaring war on the Jews?

Why have we seen such an increase in anti-Semitism and irrationally virulent anti-Zionism in western Europe?

To answer these questions, a myth must first be exposed. That myth is the one perpetrated by the French, the Dutch, the Norwegians, the Swiss, the Belgians, the Austrians, and many other western Europeans: namely that the Holocaust was solely the work of German Nazis aided perhaps by some Polish, Ukrainian, Latvian, Lithuanian, and Estonian collaborators.

False.

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I’m done passing as a matrilineal Jew | Jewish Telegraphic Agency

“Your Hebrew name?” the head of the yeshiva asked, pencil and paper poised to take it down for my aliyah, the honor of reciting Torah blessings. It was my third week at his school, a place where I’d reluctantly agreed to study for a semester in a city where fully welcoming options for Jews like me were almost nonexistent. 

“Erela,” I replied. My American tongue wrapped awkwardly around the “resh” — the Hebrew r that’s notoriously difficult for English speakers to manage. My parents hadn’t thought about that when choosing the name, nor the fact that “Erela” is an obscure variation on “Lion of God” that most people would hear as “Ariella” and I’d have to correct. But I digress.

“Bat?” he continued, referring to the Hebrew naming tradition of including one’s parents in the name.

“Ephraim v’Yehudit,” I answered.

My dad got his Hebrew name, Ephraim, the old-fashioned way, as a Jewish child born to two Jewish parents. My mom got hers from me a few years ago. I was starting rabbinical school and for the first time in my life was in an environment where people used their full Hebrew names with regularity. My mom happens to have an English name, Judith, that has a Hebrew equivalent: Yehudit. Ironically, it means “female Jew.” 

I say ironically because my mom is a Quaker. 

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John Minto: Justice for Palestine is in our hands | NZ Herald

John Minto

NZFOI: Rob Berg’s reaction to Donald Trump’s “deal of the century” was published alongside a reaction from John Minto. Minto’s views are his own, and not ours, we re-publish this without any endorsement.

It would be easy to throw up our hands in horror at the announcement of the so-called “deal of the century” but that would be pointless. We’ve all known for a long time that this “deal” would be a boon to Israel and a kick in the guts for Palestinians.

The Trump administration has given the Israeli government the green light to: continue building Jewish-only settlements on Palestinian land; annex most of the occupied West Bank; continue its ongoing military occupation of Palestine and the siege of Gaza; refuse Palestinian refugees the right to return to their land and homes and to continue its religious and ethnic cleansing of Jerusalem.

For the Palestinian side there is nothing aside from a vague reference to a hollowed out Palestinian state that would resemble apartheid South Africa’s bantustans. As the Israeli human rights group B’Tselem says – “the deal is like Swiss Cheese – the Israelis get the cheese while the Palestinians get the holes.”

The US “deal” rewards the oppressor and abuses the oppressed. Politically Trump is making a strong play for the evangelical Christian vote in the coming US elections. These are Christians who confuse the Israel of the Old Testament in the Bible with the modern political state of Israel.

On the Israeli side the “deal” is a gift to Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu who faces a third election in early March after failing to get enough support in the previous two elections to form a government. Netanyahu hope the deal will get him over the line this time.

Meanwhile none of the issues of profound injustice and oppression by Israel of Palestinians will go away, irrespective of the political manoeuvrings of Trump or Netanyahu.

So what is the way forward for Palestine?

The answer is surprisingly simple and was contained in a report last October from the United Nations Human Rights Council Special Rapporteur for Palestine, Mr Michael Lynk. 

The Lynk report says the international community has a responsibility and legal obligation to compel Israel to end its 52 year-long “occu-annexation” of Palestinian territory and remove barriers preventing Palestinian self-determination. Lynk points out that this occupation is the longest in the modern world and says it is “endlessly sustainable without decisive international intervention because of the grossly asymmetrical balance of power on the ground”. 

He says “Accountability is the key to opening the titanium cage that is the permanent occupation. The international community has issued countless resolutions and declarations critical of the never-ending Israeli occupation. The time has long past to match these criticisms with effective consequences.” Well said.

To remedy this, Michael Lynk recommends that the international community should devise a list of effective countermeasures against Israel which would be “appropriate and proportional” to the circumstances. 

He suggests some modern examples of applying pressure, such as diplomatic public statements, trade sanctions, flight bans, travel restrictions and reduction or suspension of aid.

Most importantly he says that “should Israel remain unmoved, (the international community) should apply and escalate the range of its targeted countermeasures until compliance had been achieved.”

After the “deal of the century” this is the only viable way forward.

The world faced a similar situation in the 1970s and 1980s with regard to the racist South African regime. While the great mass of humanity supported the struggle for self-determination of black South Africans, white South Africa was strongly supported by the UK and the US with leaders Maggie Thatcher and Ronald Reagan respectively giving unwavering support to its brutal oppression of blacks.

Despite this iron-clad support from key Western governments a critical factor in forcing democratic change was the people and governments around the world implementing a wide range of boycotts against the regime – sporting, trade, investment and diplomatic boycotts were all part of the mix – which helped bring irresistible pressure for change.

Israel’s brutal military occupation and its racist apartheid policies towards Palestinians cannot and will not survive international boycott action. 

South African Archbishop and Nobel Peace Prize winner Desmond Tutu is clear on the importance of the approach proposed by Michael Lynk: 

“In South Africa, we could not have achieved our democracy without the help of people around the world, who through the use of non-violent means, such as boycotts and divestment, encouraged their governments and other corporate actors to reverse decades-long support for the apartheid regime.”

And Archbishop Tutu has a message for governments like New Zealand. 

“Those who turn a blind eye to injustice actually perpetuate injustice. If you are neutral in situations of injustice, you have chosen the side of the oppressor.”

Michael Lynk’s report points the way. Our New Zealand government should be at the forefront in supporting this United Nations proposed approach.

Let’s do this!

Source

Rob Berg: Palestinians need to accept Israel as a nation | NZ Herald

Rob Berg, President of the Zionist Federation of New Zealand

On 29 January 2020, president Trump finally presented his long-awaited ‘Deal of the Century’, his vision to end the ongoing conflict between the Palestinians and the Israelis, a conflict which has been going on in some form or another for over seventy years. Whilst the details of the plan may not have been previously known, the reactions from the Israeli and Palestinian sides could not have been more predictable.

As has been the case since the days of the British Mandate, the UN 1947 Partition Plan and many other opportunities, most latterly in 2000 and 2008, the Israelis have always agreed to what has been offered, even when the concessions have been painful, such as the division of Jerusalem, or withdrawal from Hebron. The Palestinians, and Arab nations before them, have never failed to say “no”. Most famous was the 3 no’s in Khartoum in September 1967. “No to peace with Israel. No to recognition with Israel. No to negotiations with Israel”. Fast forward to 2020 and the ‘Deal of the Century’, and we have almost exactly the same response from president Abbas, “We say 1,000 ‘no’s to this deal”.

The Palestinians may feel the ‘deal’ does not give them what they wanted, but even when offered a far greater deal by Prime Minister Barak in 2000 which included 92% of the West Bank, much to president Bill Clinton’s frustration and amazement, the Palestinians under Yasser Arafat said “no”. And then in 2008 they were offered an even better deal by then Prime Minister Olmert. This deal offered the Palestinians 98% of the West Bank with land swaps to account for the remaining 2%, East Jerusalem as their Capital, and the dismantling of Israeli settlements in the proposed Palestinian State. Again, this time by Mahmoud Abbas, the answer was “no”.

The Trump deal goes far short of the Olmert offer, and the Palestinians run the risk of losing everything if their intransigent approach to peace with the world’s only Jewish State continues in the same vein as it has for over 70 years.

Israel fits into New Zealand approximately 13 times and is roughly the size of Canterbury. Giving up any land has a significant impact on its size and ability to defend itself. To ask of Israel to put its existence at risk is something that no one or no country should expect. Yet Israel has continually offered the Palestinians land for peace, just as it did with both Egypt and Jordan before it. Israel also unilaterally withdrew from Gaza in 2005, which has now become a strong hold for terrorist activity heavily backed by the Iranians. The concerns of Israelis are more than justified.

Israel has no error for margin. The first war it loses, is its last. It is difficult to comprehend this reality from our relative safety here in New Zealand, yet Israel has shown continuous willing for compromise. Each time, the offer of compromise, the offer to agree on a peace deal through direct negotiations has ended up with Palestinian rejection. Yet, the Palestinians offer no viable alternatives. Instead they insist on all of pre-1967 East Jerusalem, including the Old City and Judaism’s most accessible Holy site, the Western Wall, being part of ‘Palestine’. And they insist on the ‘right of return’ to all Palestinian refugees and their descendants. A ‘right’ afforded to no other people in the world. Yet they insist on this because they know it will ultimately lead to the end of the Jewish State.

And here is the crux of the matter. Until the Palestinians accept that Israel as the Nation State of the Jewish people is not only here to stay, but has a right to exist in the spiritual and historical homeland of the Jewish people, peace will be as far away as ever. Yet, the Trump Plan, with all its flaws, presents both the Israelis and the Palestinians with an opportunity. An opportunity as a starting point for direct talks and negotiations with the aim of a real and lasting peace, one that recognises the rights and aspirations of both people.

This may or may not be the last opportunity for the two State Solution to come to fruition. Instead of a “thousand no’s” hopefully Abbas will see this as a chance to bring a life of peace and prosperity to both Israelis and Palestinians. His final legacy. Hopefully he will choose a path to peace rather than stay on the road of conflict.

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