Mills-Mojab spread’s Iran’s disinformation about Israel | Stuff

Centrifuges used for enriching uranium at the Iran Natanz facility

Stuff ran an opinion piece written by Donna Mills-Mojab today. It is an example of Iranian propaganda. It weaves a narrative that makes Iran seem like it is doing no wrong. Her article makes no mention of:

  • Iran’s sponsorship of terrorist organisations such as Hamas, Hezbollah, Islamic Jihad, and the PFLP.
  • Iran’s terrorist activities in Albania, Bahrain, India, Israel, Iraq, Kenya, Argentina, Thailand, France and Denmark.
  • Iran’s military units operating in Syria and Iraq
  • Iran signed the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty way back in 1970. Under the treaty, Iran agreed to not develop nuclear weapons, disclose all nuclear technology activities, and allow the International Atomic Energy Agency full access to check and monitor Iran’s compliance. Iran’s non-compliance and intentional deceit under the treaty have been well-documented.

Instead, it lays down a smokescreen of false information which should be corrected here:

  • There is no evidence that Israel has nuclear weapons. No independent observer has ever sighted an Israeli nuclear weapon, nor is there any evidence of any Israeli nuclear weapons tests. Unlike North Korea, India, and Pakistan. Nuclear weapons tests can’t be seismologically hidden. The vibrations literally reverberate around the world.
  • Any relaxation of economic sanctions against Iran has only accelerated efforts to arm Israel’s enemies, Hamas and Hezbollah.
  • That Israel’s existence is a form of colonialism when it is clearly an UN-mandated humanitarian initiative to restore Israel as a Jewish homeland, borne out of the Holocaust, which demonstrated that Jews must have a safe haven from endemic anti-Semitism.
  • Mills-Mojab claims Israel’s occupation of Palestinian lands is illegal. Actually, Israel’s presence there is the result of an unsuccessful Arab invasion of these territories and their illegal attempt to extinguish a fledgling member of the UN. Now, these lands are disputed and claimed by people who have created a state where no state existed before, to give their claim a false veil of legitimacy.

Iran has demonstrated that it does not act in good faith. Which leaves Israel deeply skeptical of a successful diplomatic outcome. What good is a treaty when it’s highly likely that Iran does not intend to comply with it?

Uranium 235 enrichment to less than 20% is suitable for commercial power generation. Anything beyond that sends a clear signal of Iran’s intentions.

Read Mills-Mojab’s article.

The Holocaust Is My Heritage: Bearing the Scars and Stories of Survivor Grandparents | Haaretz

My last photo with my Zayde

NZFOI: Today is Holocaust Remembrance Day, Yom HaShoah

My Zayde told us about his childhood in Kazimierz, and about burying half-alive bodies in Buchenwald. What it means to be the grandchild of a Holocaust survivor, and to lose them.

He and his father were imprisoned in Plaszow concentration camp, where he said every day brought a new tragedy. He would tell us, in unadorned language, that he saw young boys being hanged for stealing bread, and that’s when he learned you say the Shema prayer before you die. He piled earth over bodies, after they were shot dead, and was haunted by watching the soil shiver – the victims were still alive, and slowly suffocating.

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New Zealand Fund Decision to Divest from Israeli Banks Breaches Legal Requirements | UKLFI

Catherine Savage, Chair of the Guardians of New Zealand’s Superannuation Fund

The Guardians of New Zealand’s Superannuation Fund have recently decided to divest from Israeli banks in apparent breach of legal requirements.
The Superannuation Fund, known as the Super Fund, was set up in 2001 to secure funding for universal pensions for New Zealand’s aging population with a fair sharing of the cost between present and future taxpayers.

The Guardians’ statutory mandate is to invest the Fund on a prudent, commercial basis and manage it in a manner consistent with:

  • best-practice portfolio management;
  • maximising return without undue risk to the Fund as a whole; and
  • avoiding prejudice to New Zealand’s reputation as a responsible member of the world community.

International financial markets lawyer, Dan Harris, has pointed out:

  1. The published reasons for the decision to divest from Israeli banks show a failure to properly consider material information and give too much weight to questionable sources. This appears to be inconsistent with “best-practice portfolio management”. For example, the reasons placed considerable weight on the UN Human Rights Council’s report dated 12 February 2020. However, breaches of human rights are a matter of law, and yet the UNHRC report clearly states that it offers no legal conclusions. Moreover, the methodology used for that report was demonstrably flawed and based on biased sources.
  2. The decision appears to have been taken with a dominant improper purpose to be a political player, rather than applying a responsible investment policy; and on the basis of opposition to an Israeli proposal to extend Israeli law to part of the West Bank, even though at the time of the decision that proposal was no longer being pursued.
  3. There was a fundamental error of law in treating the Israeli Banks as responsible for acts of the State of Israel. Lawful acts of private companies cannot automatically be equated with those of a government.
  4. The divestment may damage New Zealand. US politicians on both sides may react in a negative manner. The Guardians are required to avoid prejudice to New Zealand’s reputation, not attract it

Jonathan Turner, chief executive of UKLFI commented: “As well as being an improper purpose, the Guardians’ political aims discriminate against Israel. At the same time as divesting from Israeli banks, they are investing in companies operating in Western Sahara and probably in other disputed territories”.

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Coalition conundrum: What could Israel’s next government look like? JPost

Benjamin Netanyahu

Here are several possible options.

Ahead of Tuesday’s election, all the party leaders, from Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu on down, spoke to reporters and analysts constantly, in order to try to get out the vote.

But once the polls closed Tuesday night, most of the politicians suddenly became completely silent. The quiet was not because they were tired.The only party leaders who sought the press on Wednesday were obvious winners like Ra’am (United Arab List) head Mansour Abbas and Labor leader Merav Michaeli.The others made a strategic decision to wait to talk again – at least until the results of the election were complete. 

With 97% of the normal ballots counted, Netanyahu’s Likud won 30 seats, Yesh Atid 17, Shas 9, Blue and White 8, United Torah Judaism, Yamina, Yisrael Beytenu and Labor 7, New Hope, the Joint List and the Religious Zionist Party 6 and Meretz and Ra’am 5.

There still remain some 430,000 double envelopes, which are ballots from hospitals, nursing homes, emissaries, soldiers, prisoners and special polling stations for returnees at Ben-Gurion International Airport and for the sick and quarantined from COVID-19.

The double ballots are worth some 11 seats – enough to change the outcome of the election significantly in a race so close.

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Joe Biden is already carving out a different Middle East policy from Trump — and even Obama | Stuff

US President, Joe Biden

The Biden administration hasn’t wasted time in making a significant shift in US policy toward the Middle East.

Over the past week, the US has launched reprisal strikes against Iranian targets in Syria and released damning intelligence overtly linking the crown prince of Saudi Arabia to the assassination of journalist Jamal Khashoggi.

Biden’s decision to launch strikes against Iran-backed militias in Syria showcases what has been described by the US political scientist Joseph Nye as “smart power”. This is when hard power is employed alongside soft power in a carefully calculated way to affect a diplomatic outcome.

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A Promised Land: Obama’s Memoirs Malign Israel | CAMERA

“Facts,” the English philosopher and writer Aldous Huxley once observed, “don’t cease to exist because they are ignored.” Yet, in his recently released memoir, A Promised Land, Barack Obama both ignores and omits key facts about the Middle East. In particular, the former president gets relevant Israeli history wrong.

Perhaps most disturbing, however, is Obama’s tendency to minimize Palestinian terrorism. For example, he refers to Hamas as merely a “Palestinian resistance group.” Yet, Obama doesn’t tell readers what exactly Hamas is “resisting.”

Obama’s inability—or perhaps unwillingness—to see Hamas for who they are is part and parcel of a broader trend evidenced in his memoirs. The United States’s 44th president repeatedly strikes a false equivalency between Israel and the terrorists who seek the Jewish state’s destruction.

Obama’s tendency towards striking false equivalency between Israeli security measures and Palestinian terrorist efforts is buttressed by an understanding of relevant history that is rooted in inaccuracies and false assumptions.

And contrary to what the 44th president implies, Jews didn’t take the land. Rather, most of the “settlements” were purchased—and often from the Arabs themselves. As the historian Benny Morris noted in his 2008 book 1948: “A giant question mark hangs over the ethos of the Palestinian Arab elite: Husseinis, as well as Nashashibis, Khalidis, Dajanis, and Tamimis … sold land to the Zionist institutions and/or served as Zionist agents or spies.” These families, many of whom would lead opposition to the existence of Israel and the right of Jewish self-determination, secretly sold land to the very movement that they denounced.

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The Businesses of Mahmoud Abbas and His Sons | JCPA

Mahmoud Abbas

[NZFOI: For background reading and future reference; and relevant to be aware of to contextualise the upcoming general elections]

Abu Abbas is not prepared to countenance Muhammad Dahlan as his successor.

The PA chairman’s two sons, Tareq and Yasser, own an economic empire in the territories worth hundreds of millions of dollars, and they rely on their connection with their father.

Mahmoud Abbas’ main endeavor is to find a fitting successor who will ensure both the continued existence of his sons’ businesses and their wellbeing.

The succession battle in the Palestinian Authority has become very elemental since Mahmoud Abbas rejected the request of four Arab states – Egypt, Jordan, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates – to mend fences with his bitter rival Muhammad Dahlan. Some of those states want to see Dahlan as the next PA chairman.

Although some in Fatah view Abbas’ rejection of the Arab request as an act of “political suicide,” Abbas does not show signs of stress. At the urging of Egypt and Jordan, which fear Hamas, he called off the elections in the territories and consented to a return to Fatah by some of Dahlan’s people. As far as Abbas is concerned, he has complied with most of Egypt and Jordan’s requests. Yet, still, he is not prepared to countenance Muhammad Dahlan.

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Understanding B’Tselem’s “Apartheid” Libel | CAMERA

Hagai El-Ad, Executive Director B’Tselem

If you’re looking for examples of spin in B’tselem’s latest anti-Israel document, in which the organization slings around the inflammatory terms “apartheid” and “Jewish supremacy,” there are plenty.  

Consider, as one small example, the report’s charge that Israel has built “hundreds of communities for Jewish citizens – yet not a single one for Palestinian citizens.” The sentence was written to sound as damning as possible, which increases its shock value, but also left the authors in the uncomfortable position of having to immediately rebut their own falsehood. “The exception,” B’tselem admits in the very next sentence, “is a handful of towns and villages built to concentrate the Bedouin population.”

The town of Ararat an-Naqab, which Israel built for the Bedouin community.

Which is to say, Israel built “not a single” community for Palestinians, except for all the ones it did build: Rahat, Kuseife, Shaqib al-Salam, Ar’arat an-Naqab, Lakiya, Tel as-Sabi, Hura, Tirabin al-Sana, Mulada, Abu Krinat, Bir Hadaj, Qasr al-Sir, Makhul, Umm Batin. It’s Orwellian newspeak: None, but many. A lie, but with the truth appended as a throwaway-line.

This is far from the worst distortion in the document. 

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Minto claims NZ Jewish Council is deeply racist | The Daily Blog

John Minto

[NZFOI: Really?!]

Suggesting Palestinians use their children as human shields and that Arabs hate Jews more than they love their own children is appalling and deplorable racism. Dr Cumin’s remarks are a particularly vile statement of anti-Palestinian racism and a repugnant slur on all Arabs.

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The painful question we must ask about the Holocaust | Spectator

How should we remember the Holocaust? In the next decade or so, many of the last living Holocaust survivors will pass away. It will then fall to us later generations to confront what Hannah Arendt called ‘the abyss that opened up before us’ by telling their stories. In doing so, we aim to guard against the spectre of Holocaust denial. But when we vow to ‘never forget’ the terrible crimes of Nazism, what exactly is it that we seek to remember?

What is sometimes forgotten is that the way we remember the Holocaust is as much a historical process as the event itself. Though the term ‘holocaust’ was used already in the 1950s, it was popularised (and capitalised) only in the 1970s, serving to distinguish the Nazi genocide from other wartime atrocities. It is a peculiarity of this slow campaign for recognition of a specific genocide against European Jews that the number of victims instilled into the minds of schoolchildren was once 11 million rather than six million – the figure accepted today.

That larger number includes six million Jews as well as five million other persecuted people with disabilities, political and religious dissidents, Slavs, Roma and Sinti, and homosexuals. The survivor and Nazi hunter Simon Wiesenthal said, ‘I have sought with Jewish leaders not to talk about six million Jewish dead, but rather about 11 million civilians dead, including six million Jews’. U.S. president Jimmy Carter cited this figure in 1978 when he established the commission that culminated in the opening of the U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum (USHMM) in 1993.

In diverse societies like Britain and the U.S., this broader conception of the Holocaust’s victims may have helped ensure that it is seen today as an event which concerns us all. But Auschwitz survivor Elie Wiesel, who rejected that more expansive definition, took a different view. He emphasised that ‘while not all victims were Jews, all Jews were victims’. He penned a maxim of his own: ‘The universality of the Holocaust lies in its uniqueness: the Event is essentially Jewish, yet its interpretation is universal’.

But just as the Holocaust has become widely studied and researched, it appears to be slipping from memory, especially among younger generations. A 2018 survey from the U.S. showed that while 96 per cent of Americans recognise that the Holocaust happened and 93 per cent agree that it should be taught in schools, 41 per cent, and 66 per cent of millennials, cannot say what Auschwitz was. All too often, the Holocaust has been ‘remembered’ only in a superficial sense.

Auschwitz survivor Ruth Klüger, an Austrian-born Jewish professor of German literature who died last October at the age of 88, offered a cutting critique of how we remember the Holocaust. She said in 2013, ‘the present memorial cult that seeks to inflict certain aspects of history and their presumed lessons on our children, with its favourite mantra, ‘Let us remember, so the same thing doesn’t happen again,’ is unconvincing. To be sure, a remembered massacre may serve as a deterrent, but it may also serve as a model for the next massacre’.

Klüger was particularly critical of what she called ‘kitsch’ representations of the Holocaust that use melodrama, redemptive or heroic storylines centred on rescue and resistance to produce ‘enjoyable’ depictions of the Holocaust for popular consumption. Klüger warns in her celebrated memoir Still Alive against the misleading impression one might gather from her own lucky and unrepresentative story of survival. ‘You feel, even if you don’t think it: well, there is a happy ending after all’. ‘Without meaning to,’ she lamented, ‘I find that I have written an escape story’ in more senses than one.

Klüger recounts a particularly jarring episode in which a young woman approached her at a book signing and said, with a winning smile, ‘I love the Holocaust’. Klüger was taken aback. She understood that the woman loved not the event itself, but reading about it.

‘But her naïve and undisguised pleasure brought up the question: Should she love to read about the Holocaust? Should we in any shape or form feel positive and empowered or cathartically purged when we contemplate the extinction of a people? My impulse was to say to this woman: You shouldn’t. Stop reading these books, including mine, if you enjoy them’.

Klüger was so critical of these cathartic, redemptive tendencies of Holocaust tourism and memorial culture that she asked the Auschwitz Museum to remove her poems from a display. In 2016, she spoke before the German Bundestag on Holocaust Memorial Day in a tone she herself called ‘bitter and aggressive’. As she once said to an Austrian newspaper, ‘We survivors are not responsible for forgiveness’.

Klüger’s work pushes back against a broader trend of feel-good but historically reductive identification with victims. Upon entering the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum in Washington D.C., for example, visitors are given the identity card of a victim. This is plainly an attempt to give visitors, regardless of their personal relation to the Holocaust, a stake in the history they are about to learn. But the scholar Alvin Rosenfeld warned years ago of the risks of such an ‘Americanisation of the Holocaust’: ‘The history of the Holocaust becomes broadly acceptable only as its basic narrative undergoes change of a kind that enables large numbers of people to identify with it’.

Israeli author Yishai Sarid’s just-translated 2017 book The Memory Monster, gives a good example of the dangers of Holocaust memory gone haywire. The novel follows an Israeli Holocaust historian who develops a sense of ‘intellectual elation’ about his subject and comes to feel ‘at home’ in Nazi death camp sites. Here he gives tours to groups of school children draped in Israeli flags, ‘performing all sorts of made-up rituals, working so hard to squeeze out a tear’. Here the Holocaust has become an obsession, but only as a dubious simulacrum.

A better, albeit more challenging approach comes from the late British-Jewish philosopher Gillian Rose. Her 1990 essay ‘The Future of Auschwitz’ calls for a very different kind of Holocaust education. Rose suggests the real lesson of the Holocaust is that ‘it is possible to mean well, to be caring and kind, loving one’s neighbour as oneself, yet to be complicit in the corruption and violence of social institutions’ – a view she shared with her colleague Zygmunt Bauman. Rose’s view is illustrated by a gnostic poem she invokes:

I am abused and I abuse

I am the victim and I am the perpetrator

I am innocent and I am innocent

I am guilty and I am guilty

Auschwitz survivor Primo Levi called moral complicity in the camps ‘the grey zone’. Hannah Arendt more famously wrote of ‘the banality of evil’. American scholar Michael Rothberg adds to this tradition with his recent book, The Implicated Subject: Beyond Victims and Perpetrators. Criticising the logic of forced identification with victims accelerated by social media, Rothberg argues that, in relation to historical mass atrocities such as the Holocaust, colonialism, and slavery, most of us are neither saints, nor villains, but somewhere in-between.

Rose leaves us with a radical suggestion: ‘To provoke a child or an adult who visits the ‘site’ of Auschwitz not only to identify herself in infinite pain with ‘the victims’, but to engage in intense self-questioning: ‘Could I have done this?’’ She goes on hoping for a discussion of ‘’How easily could we have allowed this to be carried out?’ Are we Germans ‘or’ German-Jews…Polish professionals ‘or’ Polish Jews ‘or’ Polish peasants?’ This Holocaust Memorial Day, we should pause before telling ourselves the easy answers.

WRITTEN BY
Jonathon Catlin

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