The Businesses of Mahmoud Abbas and His Sons | JCPA

Mahmoud Abbas

[NZFOI: For background reading and future reference; and relevant to be aware of to contextualise the upcoming general elections]

Abu Abbas is not prepared to countenance Muhammad Dahlan as his successor.

The PA chairman’s two sons, Tareq and Yasser, own an economic empire in the territories worth hundreds of millions of dollars, and they rely on their connection with their father.

Mahmoud Abbas’ main endeavor is to find a fitting successor who will ensure both the continued existence of his sons’ businesses and their wellbeing.

The succession battle in the Palestinian Authority has become very elemental since Mahmoud Abbas rejected the request of four Arab states – Egypt, Jordan, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates – to mend fences with his bitter rival Muhammad Dahlan. Some of those states want to see Dahlan as the next PA chairman.

Although some in Fatah view Abbas’ rejection of the Arab request as an act of “political suicide,” Abbas does not show signs of stress. At the urging of Egypt and Jordan, which fear Hamas, he called off the elections in the territories and consented to a return to Fatah by some of Dahlan’s people. As far as Abbas is concerned, he has complied with most of Egypt and Jordan’s requests. Yet, still, he is not prepared to countenance Muhammad Dahlan.

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Understanding B’Tselem’s “Apartheid” Libel | CAMERA

Hagai El-Ad, Executive Director B’Tselem

If you’re looking for examples of spin in B’tselem’s latest anti-Israel document, in which the organization slings around the inflammatory terms “apartheid” and “Jewish supremacy,” there are plenty.  

Consider, as one small example, the report’s charge that Israel has built “hundreds of communities for Jewish citizens – yet not a single one for Palestinian citizens.” The sentence was written to sound as damning as possible, which increases its shock value, but also left the authors in the uncomfortable position of having to immediately rebut their own falsehood. “The exception,” B’tselem admits in the very next sentence, “is a handful of towns and villages built to concentrate the Bedouin population.”

The town of Ararat an-Naqab, which Israel built for the Bedouin community.

Which is to say, Israel built “not a single” community for Palestinians, except for all the ones it did build: Rahat, Kuseife, Shaqib al-Salam, Ar’arat an-Naqab, Lakiya, Tel as-Sabi, Hura, Tirabin al-Sana, Mulada, Abu Krinat, Bir Hadaj, Qasr al-Sir, Makhul, Umm Batin. It’s Orwellian newspeak: None, but many. A lie, but with the truth appended as a throwaway-line.

This is far from the worst distortion in the document. 

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Minto claims NZ Jewish Council is deeply racist | The Daily Blog

John Minto

[NZFOI: Really?!]

Suggesting Palestinians use their children as human shields and that Arabs hate Jews more than they love their own children is appalling and deplorable racism. Dr Cumin’s remarks are a particularly vile statement of anti-Palestinian racism and a repugnant slur on all Arabs.

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The painful question we must ask about the Holocaust | Spectator

How should we remember the Holocaust? In the next decade or so, many of the last living Holocaust survivors will pass away. It will then fall to us later generations to confront what Hannah Arendt called ‘the abyss that opened up before us’ by telling their stories. In doing so, we aim to guard against the spectre of Holocaust denial. But when we vow to ‘never forget’ the terrible crimes of Nazism, what exactly is it that we seek to remember?

What is sometimes forgotten is that the way we remember the Holocaust is as much a historical process as the event itself. Though the term ‘holocaust’ was used already in the 1950s, it was popularised (and capitalised) only in the 1970s, serving to distinguish the Nazi genocide from other wartime atrocities. It is a peculiarity of this slow campaign for recognition of a specific genocide against European Jews that the number of victims instilled into the minds of schoolchildren was once 11 million rather than six million – the figure accepted today.

That larger number includes six million Jews as well as five million other persecuted people with disabilities, political and religious dissidents, Slavs, Roma and Sinti, and homosexuals. The survivor and Nazi hunter Simon Wiesenthal said, ‘I have sought with Jewish leaders not to talk about six million Jewish dead, but rather about 11 million civilians dead, including six million Jews’. U.S. president Jimmy Carter cited this figure in 1978 when he established the commission that culminated in the opening of the U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum (USHMM) in 1993.

In diverse societies like Britain and the U.S., this broader conception of the Holocaust’s victims may have helped ensure that it is seen today as an event which concerns us all. But Auschwitz survivor Elie Wiesel, who rejected that more expansive definition, took a different view. He emphasised that ‘while not all victims were Jews, all Jews were victims’. He penned a maxim of his own: ‘The universality of the Holocaust lies in its uniqueness: the Event is essentially Jewish, yet its interpretation is universal’.

But just as the Holocaust has become widely studied and researched, it appears to be slipping from memory, especially among younger generations. A 2018 survey from the U.S. showed that while 96 per cent of Americans recognise that the Holocaust happened and 93 per cent agree that it should be taught in schools, 41 per cent, and 66 per cent of millennials, cannot say what Auschwitz was. All too often, the Holocaust has been ‘remembered’ only in a superficial sense.

Auschwitz survivor Ruth Klüger, an Austrian-born Jewish professor of German literature who died last October at the age of 88, offered a cutting critique of how we remember the Holocaust. She said in 2013, ‘the present memorial cult that seeks to inflict certain aspects of history and their presumed lessons on our children, with its favourite mantra, ‘Let us remember, so the same thing doesn’t happen again,’ is unconvincing. To be sure, a remembered massacre may serve as a deterrent, but it may also serve as a model for the next massacre’.

Klüger was particularly critical of what she called ‘kitsch’ representations of the Holocaust that use melodrama, redemptive or heroic storylines centred on rescue and resistance to produce ‘enjoyable’ depictions of the Holocaust for popular consumption. Klüger warns in her celebrated memoir Still Alive against the misleading impression one might gather from her own lucky and unrepresentative story of survival. ‘You feel, even if you don’t think it: well, there is a happy ending after all’. ‘Without meaning to,’ she lamented, ‘I find that I have written an escape story’ in more senses than one.

Klüger recounts a particularly jarring episode in which a young woman approached her at a book signing and said, with a winning smile, ‘I love the Holocaust’. Klüger was taken aback. She understood that the woman loved not the event itself, but reading about it.

‘But her naïve and undisguised pleasure brought up the question: Should she love to read about the Holocaust? Should we in any shape or form feel positive and empowered or cathartically purged when we contemplate the extinction of a people? My impulse was to say to this woman: You shouldn’t. Stop reading these books, including mine, if you enjoy them’.

Klüger was so critical of these cathartic, redemptive tendencies of Holocaust tourism and memorial culture that she asked the Auschwitz Museum to remove her poems from a display. In 2016, she spoke before the German Bundestag on Holocaust Memorial Day in a tone she herself called ‘bitter and aggressive’. As she once said to an Austrian newspaper, ‘We survivors are not responsible for forgiveness’.

Klüger’s work pushes back against a broader trend of feel-good but historically reductive identification with victims. Upon entering the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum in Washington D.C., for example, visitors are given the identity card of a victim. This is plainly an attempt to give visitors, regardless of their personal relation to the Holocaust, a stake in the history they are about to learn. But the scholar Alvin Rosenfeld warned years ago of the risks of such an ‘Americanisation of the Holocaust’: ‘The history of the Holocaust becomes broadly acceptable only as its basic narrative undergoes change of a kind that enables large numbers of people to identify with it’.

Israeli author Yishai Sarid’s just-translated 2017 book The Memory Monster, gives a good example of the dangers of Holocaust memory gone haywire. The novel follows an Israeli Holocaust historian who develops a sense of ‘intellectual elation’ about his subject and comes to feel ‘at home’ in Nazi death camp sites. Here he gives tours to groups of school children draped in Israeli flags, ‘performing all sorts of made-up rituals, working so hard to squeeze out a tear’. Here the Holocaust has become an obsession, but only as a dubious simulacrum.

A better, albeit more challenging approach comes from the late British-Jewish philosopher Gillian Rose. Her 1990 essay ‘The Future of Auschwitz’ calls for a very different kind of Holocaust education. Rose suggests the real lesson of the Holocaust is that ‘it is possible to mean well, to be caring and kind, loving one’s neighbour as oneself, yet to be complicit in the corruption and violence of social institutions’ – a view she shared with her colleague Zygmunt Bauman. Rose’s view is illustrated by a gnostic poem she invokes:

I am abused and I abuse

I am the victim and I am the perpetrator

I am innocent and I am innocent

I am guilty and I am guilty

Auschwitz survivor Primo Levi called moral complicity in the camps ‘the grey zone’. Hannah Arendt more famously wrote of ‘the banality of evil’. American scholar Michael Rothberg adds to this tradition with his recent book, The Implicated Subject: Beyond Victims and Perpetrators. Criticising the logic of forced identification with victims accelerated by social media, Rothberg argues that, in relation to historical mass atrocities such as the Holocaust, colonialism, and slavery, most of us are neither saints, nor villains, but somewhere in-between.

Rose leaves us with a radical suggestion: ‘To provoke a child or an adult who visits the ‘site’ of Auschwitz not only to identify herself in infinite pain with ‘the victims’, but to engage in intense self-questioning: ‘Could I have done this?’’ She goes on hoping for a discussion of ‘’How easily could we have allowed this to be carried out?’ Are we Germans ‘or’ German-Jews…Polish professionals ‘or’ Polish Jews ‘or’ Polish peasants?’ This Holocaust Memorial Day, we should pause before telling ourselves the easy answers.

WRITTEN BY
Jonathon Catlin

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The growing issue of anti-semitism in New Zealand | Stuff

Today marked the anniversary of the liberation of the Auschwitz death camp and the United Nations International Holocaust Remembrance Day.

The day is an opportunity to reflect on anti-semitism in Aotearoa New Zealand.

In 2019, a UN independent human rights report by Ahmed Shaheed found that anti-semitism has increased globally. Shaheed defined the term anti-semitism to mean prejudice against, or hatred of Jews.

We are not immune here in New Zealand.

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Nathan Lewin argues key evidence omitted by Kosher Slaughter advocates | JNS

Nathan Lewin

NZFOI: Nathan Lewin, a distinguished US Attorney, says that the Kosher Slaughter advocates neglected to include key evidence that would have strengthened their case, after an European Court ruled against them.

Neither this history [i.e. the evidence presented in the US] nor the scientifically supported proposition that shechita’s “simultaneous and instantaneous severance of the carotid arteries with a sharp instrument” is as effective as stunning was presented to the European court.

It is clear from the reasoning articulated in the opinion that no one gave the European court the evidence that was heard by the American congressional committees. The European court assumed that animal welfare, which it recognized as a permissible legislative goal, required stunning before slaughter.

It held that stunning only affected “one aspect of the specific ritual act of slaughter and that act of slaughter is not, by contrast, prohibited as such.” This limited restriction, it said, “is appropriate for achieving the objective of promoting animal welfare.”

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EU court prioritizes animals over Jews and Muslims in backing ritual slaughter ban | Washington Examiner

Kosher slaughter may now be prohibited in EU

What a way to bookend a year. In January, the world marked the 75th anniversary of the liberation of Auschwitz. World leaders gathered and solemnly promised, “Never again.”

Here we are in December, and while there is no new Holocaust, Europe is making Jews and Muslims feel remarkably unwelcome in their own homes.

On Thursday, the Court of Justice of the European Union, or CJEU, issued a ruling permitting a ban on religious slaughter in Belgium. In 2017, Flanders and Wallonia, two of Belgium’s three regions, banned animal slaughter that didn’t include preslaughter stunning. Both laws went into effect last year.

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Le Carre: ‘Extraordinary’ Israel, ‘crackling with debate, rocked me to my boots’ | Times of Israel

John Le Carre, Author

NZFOI: John Le Carre was one of the most successful spy novelists of the 20th and 21st Centuries. He arguably created the genre of the spy as the anti-hero in stark contrast to the glamorous spies created by Ian Fleming. In this interview, Le Carre reveals himself to be a staunch supporter of Israel.

In a rare interview 22 years ago, the peerless thriller writer talked about Israel and Jews; Smiley could have been Jewish, he said of his most famous character. ‘Perhaps he was’

John le Carre, the master spy novelist who died Sunday aged 89, had a long fascination and sympathy for the Jewish people and a deep admiration for Israel.

Jewish characters were interwoven in his many novels, and his research into the 1983 novel “The Little Drummer Girl” gave him his first real exposure to Israel with a visit that “rocked” him, he said in a rare 1998 interview with Douglas Davis of the Jewish World Review.

“Israel,” he told Davis, “rocked me to my boots. I had arrived expecting whatever European sentimentalists expect — a re-creation of the better quarters of Hampstead [in London]. Or old Danzig, or Vienna or Berlin. The strains of Mendelssohn issuing from open windows of a summer’s evening. Happy kids in seamen’s hats clattering to school with violin cases in their hands.”

Instead, what he recalled finding was “the most extraordinary carnival of human variety that I have ever set eyes on, a nation in the process of re-assembling itself from the shards of its past, now Oriental, now Western, now secular, now religious, but always anxiously moralizing about itself, criticizing itself with Maoist ferocity, a nation crackling with debate, rediscovering its past while it fought for its future.”

“No nation on earth,” he said, “was more deserving of peace — or more condemned to fight for it.”

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Distorted picture of complex Palestine conflict | Stuff

Dr Sheree Trotter

John Minto has wasted no time in attempting to lecture the incoming Minister of Foreign Affairs, MP Nanaia Mahuta, on what he thinks she should be doing in the Middle East and in urging his followers to bombard her with emails.

He has no compunction in spouting a distorted picture of what is a complex conflict.

Minto fails to mention that the so-called ‘Great March of Return’ consisted of a series of violent riots, organised, coordinated and directed by Hamas, an internationally designated terrorist organisation that is in an armed conflict with Israel.

A case study undertaken by the Geneva Academy of International Humanitarian Law and Human Rights found that:

The mass violent events that took place in the area of the security barrier were “unusual in their scope and in the intensity of the threat that they posed”. Tens of thousands of people participated. Under the cover of the riots, grenade and explosive devices were hurled towards the Israel Defence Forces troops, live ammunition was fired at the soldiers and explosive devices were hurled towards Israeli territory, in addition to the flying of incendiary kites intended to harm towns and residents of Israel near the Gaza periphery.

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‘The good cop’: Joe Biden and Israel during the Obama years | JTA

President-elect Joe Biden

Talk to the folks who handled the Israel file and who were close to Joe Biden between 2009 and 2017, and his boss, Barack Obama, more often than not comes up, even if not by name.

Biden was the guy Israelis looked to for support, they say, implying that Obama was … less supportive. Biden was the guy who bridged differences created by the mutual distrust between Obama and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.

The Jewish Telegraphic Agency spoke with half a dozen people who saw the Biden-Israel relationship up close during the years that Biden served under President Obama as vice president. What emerges is a picture of a man who did little to innovate policy but who was a loyal lieutenant to Obama and remained a friend to Israel — and he was often left to use the negotiating skills he honed through decades in the Senate to bridge the divide.

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